Last week in this space I commented on how the White House Cabinet was forced to continue to turn the other cheek on the internal and external excesses of 4T. Biden wants to continue to please López Obrador in everything he can, but the rest of the US state and US society are starting to get fed up. I forgot to cite an example from 1994 that illustrates the reasons Biden was terrified of AMLO; But in recent days, the White House’s dilemma over the fentanyl incident has worsened. It is not for nothing that this week the “anti-drug” delegation of the United States Government returns to Mexico, with officials from the DEA, the Department of Justice and Internal Security, led by Juan González, head of Latin America’s National Security Council.
Anecdotes to the rafters crisis of 1994. Along with the “maleconazo” of August of that year in Havana, which was caused by the so-called “special period”, Fidel Castro sent a new wave of Cuban migrants to Florida. Bill Clinton was midway through his first presidential term, facing a dangerous mid-term election in November. He sent a message to the Cuban dictator, according to some through Carlos Salinas, according to others through García Márquez: “I will lose my retraction now, you are not going to do it to me again.” Clinton’s efforts to restore Arkansas governor in 1980 failed, when Jimmy Carter sent a good portion of the so-called Marielitos as Fidel on that occasion to Florida at the military base at Fort Chaffee, Arkansas.
Biden fears that López Obrador could do exactly the same as in September or October of next year, in the middle of the electoral campaign. I want to sit down. That is why he prefers to look good with López Obrador in every way. But the fentanyl crisis or epidemic is shrinking. Three events prove it. They all refer to the proposal to refer to the Mexican cartels as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs), which makes people in Mexico and many colleagues hysterical, and which almost certainly will not happen, but the intensity is growing in the American Union.
An article by former attorney general William Barr, Trump’s official, friend of Mexico (he dismissed Cienfuegos, humiliating his government) in the Wall Street Journal has already been widely commented. Beyond the rhetorical excesses — the beans are boiling everywhere — Barr is basically asking Secretary of State Blinken to do what he and Trump have not done: Declare cartels like FTOs. Barr&ius is now written, in the column of counts. Also, in a Politico.com publication, John Feeley, former chargé d’affaires of the United States Embassy in Mexico, and Joaquín Villalobos, a former clandestine leader and star advisor to the Calderón government in the drug war, demand as Barr: Declare Mexican cartels as FTOs.
Feeley and Villalobos are right, in my opinion, to insist that such a design would have internal effects in the United States in the first place. Obviously, it does not constitute a license to send troops to Mexico, but it will significantly facilitate the federal authorities of the United States to fight the distributors there (the famous Potomac cartel), if one helps the effort to solve the federal crime. abet or give fentanyl traffic, from trucking owners to FedEx or DHL, to warehouse owners in Chicago or New York. The columns of Feeley and Villalobos also count, especially among Washington policymakers and artists.
The third is on the edge of a razor’s edge. 18 Representatives in the House introduced by two Republican representatives, Crenshaw of Texas and Waltz of Florida, authorizing the use of the United States military against those who enter the country or borders to traffic fentanyl. In fact, it is the same idea as Barr and Feeley and Villalobos, only that part of the designation of Mexican cartels as FTOs is included towards the end of the project. Given the slim Republican minority in the House of Representatives, the Democratic majority in the Senate, and the likelihood that Biden would veto such a bill, if approved, would have been the most likely bill. It won’t happen, though not necessarily thanks to the fiery nationalism of Monreal y Cía. But on the edge of distress, more and more.
