Nearly two years into the pandemic, it is clear that the impact of COVID-19 has not been the same. It is difficult to adopt a one-size-fits-all explanation as to why some states experienced higher numbers of infections, while others kept their scrutiny.
In July 2020, at the end of the first wave of the pandemic, we looked at how Canada’s COVID-19 case and death rates compared to three types of welfare states: liberal, social democratic and conservative.
We found no difference between the three groups, but there was a high variation between the liberal state group. The United Kingdom, the United States and Ireland had seen an explosion in numbers and death rates, while New Zealand, Australia, South Korea and Japan fared much better. Canada, a liberal state, was sitting somewhere in the middle.
Since that year, most countries were hit by a second wave of COVID-19 in the fall of 2020 and a third wave in the spring of 2021. We expanded our analysis to include COVID-19 cases and deaths per 100,000 population. Transition waves.
It is important to note that how we classify countries does not represent their electoral leanings, as in liberal, conservative and social democratic partisan platforms. Our classification refers to the welfare regime of a state, meaning its relation to redistributive income measures (such as tax collection and allocation), employment, wages and other macro-economic variables.
Liberal welfare systems – those in line with Anglo-Saxon regimes such as Canada, the US, Ireland, the UK, Australia and New Zealand, but also Japan and South Korea – are characterized by minimal government intervention, modest benefit schemes and a. Strong market support.
Social democratic governance – mainly located in northern Europe, such as Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Iceland and the Netherlands – is typically invested in providing universal benefit coverage and relies on strong government intervention.
The conservative states – Italy, Greece, France, Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Belgium – are characterized by minimal levels of welfare provision, which is usually negligible in effecting class differences in society.
Welfare systems have proven effective in targeting health-related outcomes, particularly by leveling socio-economic conditions and reducing social marginalization in society. Unequal societies – where the state has failed to equitably redistribute wealth and invest in public systems of service provision – have been found to have much higher mortality rates than those with strong public sectors, public medical coverage and generous benefit provision.
Via health policy, welfare provision determines the type of care provided to the vulnerable and sick and is factored into national disease statistics ranging from routine mortality rates to infectious disease numbers.
Our analysis shows that a year into the pandemic, Canada fared better in COVID-19 cases than some of its sister Anglo-American states, such as the US and UK. Performed poorly, as did two other liberal, Commonwealth countries. Its performance was worse than South Korea and Japan.
As of 10 September, the number of COVID-19 cases per 100,000 people in Canada (4,051) was three times less than in the US (12,184), two and a half times less than in the UK (10,505). and one and a half times less than Ireland (7,335). However, the COVID-19 figures for Canada were 56 times higher than New Zealand (73), 15 times higher than Australia (267), seven times higher than South Korea (525) and three times higher. in Japan (1,276).
When it comes to COVID-19 mortality rates, Canada is much better than the UK, US and Ireland, yet no better than the Antipodean states of Australia and New Zealand, nor South Korea or Japan. The number of COVID-19 deaths per 100,000 people in Canada (72) was nearly a third in the UK (197) and the US (196) and one and a half times lower than in Ireland (104). . However, COVID-19 deaths in Canada are 142 times higher than New Zealand (0.5), 17 times more than Australia (4.2), 15 times more than South Korea (4.6) and five times higher than Japan (13.1). times more. )
differences over time
The number of cases in Britain was low at the end of the first wave, however, it reached the high level of infections seen in the US by the end of the third wave. The high number of UK cases during the third wave is most clearly explained through the “explosion” of the delta variant.
Ireland’s high number of cases was implicated in the upward trend by high infection rates during the winter. The new alpha version that Holiday Get-Togethers had at the time was largely to blame for Irish COVID-19 incidence rates.
While the UK and US are statistically equal in terms of the number of deaths at the end of all three waves, the UK shows a lower death rate than the US, despite the delta surge. This can be explained by the effectiveness of available vaccines and the success of national vaccination campaigns, with the number of unresolved cases attributed to the consequences of vaccine hesitation.
The UK government recently reported that vaccine hesitancy has dropped significantly.
In the US, however, opinion polls are suggesting that 20–25 percent of unvaccinated people are unlikely to be vaccinated because of low public confidence in state institutions and health officials.
Canada’s High Vaccination Rate
Vaccines work to reduce the number of COVID-19 cases and deaths. COVID-19 figures in Canada were higher during the first and second waves of the pandemic, when the public rollout of vaccines was still in its early stages. After the initial shock of supply shortages and unreliable shipments, Canada quickly became one of the countries with the highest vaccination rates.
With strong confidence in public health institutions, the rollout of vaccines over the summer kept Canada ahead of the curve.
The number of COVID-19 infections and mortality increased in Canada during the first and second wave of the pandemic, which were outbreaks in long-term care facilities and infection outbreaks in the agri-food industry.
Better health and safety conditions in long-term care homes and better occupational and living conditions for migrant workers within the agri-food industry could have further improved Canada’s performance among comparable welfare states.