The exemption from the requirements exempts Vendrell from having a previous criminal record, having lived in Columbia as a resident for at least 5 years, and from taking a knowledge test.
In addition, Pedro was granted the order of the nation by the “advantage of Colombia” to a person with a criminal past. This information is unknown in Colombia, but has been reported in many Spanish media.
A huge Barcelona politician is involved in a case of corruption uncovered in an operation called “Voloh”, which uncovered a mega scandal in the Catalan constitution.
As of 2020, he has been charged with four counts of corruption, with a package of three lines of inquiry.
One has to do with being a partner in Russia’s plot to promote Catalan economic independence with Carles Puigdemont. The second has to do with the practices promoted between civilians and officials by a cyber-activist movement called the ‘Democratic Tsunami’. Third, by helping private businesses to support themselves and their enterprises by using the client network.
During this whole process, the main evidence is the interception of Vendrell’s phone lines and WhatsApp messages. There, in addition to leaving exile for his alleged participation in all the events for which he is being investigated, he talks about his politics outside of Spain.
In addition to the anticipation of having “fore balls” Peter as a partner in a conversation with another politician in Spain, Vendrell makes other comments about the new compatriots through express adoption.
He was annoyed that he was going to ask him in a tenel company with Catalan health, he threatened: “If they want to ask, they will follow him, let them do whatever the hell they want. When my balls swell up a lot, I I will send to Colombia and I will give you both a pancakebecause it is not right,” says the partner.
In addition, in the private letters the authors found a Spanish public document on the murder of Colombian drug lords with reports in Spain. The document, according to the Spanish press, was not translated by the authorities.
Finally, they also found a 12 million dollar transaction using a MedellÃn company to invest in projects in Villa Bugatti, an area that benefited from a land flip.
“I suffer political persecution in Spain like all independentists,” said Vendrell in response to La Silla.
the other Catalan
Manuel Grau won the national award a little longer than his partner Vendrell. In November, under the same mechanism, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed La Silla as a friend of Ferrer and the first lady also became Colombian.
Information about Grau was less public. The 51-year-old Catalan also appeared close to President Peter and his wife during the campaign, but in a more silent role.
One of the authors who helped to launch a popular economic policy in the campaign, according to Ruth Quevedo, recently appointed by Peter to the Water Regulation Commission, explained La Silla, and who worked in the campaign together with his manager. , Ricardo Roa
Additionally, the source who first saw him stated several times that he was in meetings and in the room from which Peter was sent, but did not usually intervene or make statements. “As when you have a frequent guest in the house who does not participate in everything, but who listens there,” explains that principle. “What Manel likes is money,” added another who directly worked with him on the campaign.
After the beginning of Peter’s government, letters with Grau’s name began to circulate between ministerial offices. Alvaro Leyva was directed to the chancellor and the minister from the palace wanted to sign to him presenting “the contribution of the Colombian state”.
The letter, to which La Silla had access, but did not publish at the request of the source, summarizes the life of Grau the businessman.
From the start of the assistant logistics director of GSK, a pharmaceutical company, he spent 15 years in the family construction company, and later founded the Barcelona Export Group, to which the company Vendrell shared. He says he came to Colombia in 2012 and “connected with countless business, political and cultural personalities.”
La Silla could not confirm if he finally carried the signature of the minister. But in literature, the not so exceptional merits that they had rendered for the cause of nationalization: the construction of two student residence buildings between Bogotá and Chia, which supposedly provided two thousand “direct and indirect” jobs.
The letter, on the other hand, does not mention other lines of business that connect Grau with questionable partners, such as Vendrell, among others.
Veronica is a fake businessman and official
In addition to the two companies related to the construction, Grau seems to be connected as a partner, patron or consultant with a huge network of companies in Colombia, Spain, and the United States of America. Its interests deal with construction, plastics and public services.
