At the first union introductory meeting, after hearing a PowerPoint presentation, I asked the question: “What about disabled workers?” The management was silent. “You need to talk to the accommodation center,” they told me, which didn’t answer my question at all. He did not ask how he would go about asking for accommodations; As long as the person is crippled, I know the answer well. In the months from the first day to my job, I had to spend time preparing documents, calling doctors, and setting up meetings with coordinators so that they could read all the important points of my health. Believe me, I am very trained in the art of sharing information. As Ruth Colker, Ohio State University Law Professor writes, disability protection is highly individualized, and inaccessibility is thought to be ignored until a disabled person steps up and pushes for access. I didn’t want the answer to soften my reasoning and wait for them to listen to me. We wanted the answer to be my union, which exists to protect me as an artist, takes care in my work as a disabled person.
This is what I was asking: Since my job had been very busy years ago, with better pay and a heavier burden of handling business (among other things), what steps and body and mind were taken with me before I entered the Campus? Of course, I was saved in the same assistant that I collected the rest of my colleagues. I also need safety rules in the lab and rules that prevent us from working as teachers at AT. But what was the connection to me at this time, after it was agreed upon in the contract?
Undoubtedly, my work left my colleagues. We wrote above about the concept of critical time, which advocates the idea that disabled people spend time differently than non-disabled people, even at work. Capitalism requires our work, often physical, which can be difficult to reconcile with the different needs of disabled people. But if we learn to improve facilities for people with disabilities, those programs can work better for everyone. Instead of forcing the impossible rules of capitalism on each of us, the factories should be opened up to the way we work. Unions can therefore play an integral part in this process, according to their capacity”[dar] A nod to collective beliefs and norms.” At best, union work avoids “doing the ugly capitalist norms” we see in the spotlight, Katie Meyer, a disability activist at Boston University’s student union, tells me. Unfortunately, things don’t always go like this.
Do pubescents shave their legs?
Do pubescents shave their beards?
We know that there are fewer obstacles in the procurement business, if you come to the table with a contract, it is easier for the other party to swallow and if you are already focused on asking for things you know you hate your employer – better wages. health care, as a matter of course, can be intimidating even to the members of your society. It can be understood, but it is not correct. If the labor movement does not want to replicate the “dirty capitalist standards”, we cannot meet the expectations of the bosses. Doing so burns to the root the possibility of solidarity. You can’t pretend you care about those you’ve already explicitly ignored.
When I say that unions should act “down” or “ideally” do such things, I don’t mean to detract from the wonderful work that unions do, including mine. Rather, I use these words to indicate the level of demand that must be imposed on them. The results of labor, by nature, are connected with the axes of oppression. When we talk about work, we also have to talk about racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia and, of course, ableism. Unions that don’t consider the differences between marginal rank and file workers fail.
Of course, there are problems with the capitalist system that prevent many disabled people from being employed in the first place. Studies show that employers are slower to hire people with disabilities to protect union jobs. But what is not in your work is perfectly learned. “I think there’s also the idea that people with disabilities are not part of the workforce, but that’s not the case,” says Meyer, and he’s right. Disabled people make up the largest minority in the world, which means that there are more than likely disabled people already in your workplace. Much of the workforce with disabilities goes unrecognized, and a 2020 global survey by IT and consulting firm Accenture found that 76% of employees did not fully disclose their disability at work. Therefore, the job of the union is to help those workers to make it safe for them to reveal their shortcomings or even, in a better world, to open up to them.
This can – and should – happen when anti-empowerment actions are incorporated into collective bargaining agreements, but it can also happen between collective bargaining sessions when the union works on community building and advocacy. According to Meyer, at the University of Boston, this work is emphasized through actions to adapt accessibility and ways, accessibility of tools for direct actions such as protests, and certainly interpreting. These ideals aspire further into the future, hoping to take action to include disability equity texts in their reading groups. These are examples of studies of ways of dealing with disabled workers beyond the contract of solidarity. “The labor movement,” says Meyer, “held work as anti-enabling, anti-oppressive.” [y] Anti-racist”. It is therefore important that the unions are rendered in the same way that we want to hold the body of powers, this begins when they represent the needs of the negotiation of the disabled in the contract, but it must continue well beyond.